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SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) ? California Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation Friday that will create the nation's first state-administered retirement savings program for private-sector workers, over the objection of critics who said it creates a new liability for taxpayers.
The bill will establish the California Secure Choice Retirement Savings Program for more than 6 million lower-income, private-sector workers whose employers do not offer retirement plans.
The program directs employers to withhold 3 percent of their workers' pay unless the employee opts out of the savings program, which can be done every two years. It would be administered by a seven-member board chaired by the state treasurer. The board would select a professional fund manager, which could be a private investment firm or the state's public pension system, to maintain the money.
State Sen. Kevin De Leon, D-Los Angeles, introduced the bill earlier this year in response to what he called the "looming retirement tsunami" as millions of lower-wage workers face financial hardship in their retirement years. He said the program will act as a supplement to Social Security by offering private-sector workers a portable savings plan with a guaranteed return.
He said the program is not a pension but rather acts as a savings account, which could be a national model for improving retirement savings.
"This is a major step forward for retirement security in America," De Leon said in a statement. "I am grateful for Gov. Brown's acumen and with his leadership we are setting the path for middle class hard-working Americas to prepare for retirement so they won't be forced into poverty."
State Sen. Mimi Walters, R-Lake Forest, called SB1234 the "worst bill to make its way out of the legislature this year" because it would allow the state's main pension system to invest the money.
Walters noted that the California Public Employees' Retirement System is running a shortfall and that the savings program will be controlled by a group of "career politicians."
"SB1234 looks like nothing more than a cynical effort to prop up the floundering public employee pension debt with new funds from private investors," Walters wrote in a blog ahead of the bill signing.
Many cities and counties already pool their contributions along with the state in the public pension system, but taxpayers are on the hook to cover public employee benefits if investment projections fall short.
It's too soon to say what would happen if CalPERS managed the new retirement program, said pension fund's spokesman, Brad Pacheco. CalPERS could create a separate account for private-sector workers, although it's more likely to pool investments with public employees.
CalPERS' fund posted an annual return of just 1 percent last year, missing its own long-term annual target of 7.5 percent. It currently has an estimated long-term unfunded liability of $100 billion.
Democratic lawmakers said the program gives workers more savings options, particularly women working low-paying jobs. Supporters say it will not cost the state money because it will be backed by underwriters and reinsured to protect returns. De Leon noted that the money would be placed into low-risk investments with interest guaranteed at a low rate tied to long-term Treasury bond yields.
Participants would also have to sign a liability waiver stating that California would not be liable for losses.
The bill would not be implemented unless the savings program is projected to be self-sustaining and exempt from federal rules that cover private-sector defined benefit plans. Such plans have to meet minimum standards under the federal Employee Retirement Income Security Act.
The bill also requires the board to submit an annual audit. It was initially opposed by businesses, insurance companies and financial services firms. Business groups such as the California Chamber of Commerce dropped opposition after changes were made to the bill, according to De Leon's staff.
The governor also signed companion legislation under SB923.
Republican lawmakers who opposed the program when it was moving through the Legislature said low-income workers might be better off financially if they put after-tax earnings into a Roth IRA, which would allow them to take their contributions tax-free in retirement.
They also said there were too many unanswered questions about the program. GOP lawmakers said if the underwriter fails to meet investment targets, taxpayers and employers could be held responsible for covering losses and administrative overhead.
Source: http://news.yahoo.com/calif-creates-state-run-private-retirement-plan-232409988--finance.html
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* These are the first three letters of the Hebrew alphabet, equivalent to our ABCs.
Some popular symbols of kosher certification. (Photo source: article author)
Over the past few years, and partially in response to customer demand, more and more tea sellers have been seeking out and qualifying for certifications for their teas, including?kosher.
The laws governing kosher foods are based on the health and well-being of the world, although they derive from a different source than some other certifications. (Remember the commercials for Hebrew National hot dogs that ?answer to a higher authority??) Kosher is governed by Jewish Biblical law, or halacha. Foods (and beverages) with kosher certification are considered fit and proper and permissible to eat according to this law.
While people of all religions seek out kosher food because of its perceived quality (foods are prepared under stringent supervision), the consumption of kosher-only food and drink is a requirement of Judaism. And that also pertains to tea.
As a natural product, tea is innately kosher ? fit for consumption. Generally speaking, if a loose-leaf tea does not include flavourings or colourings, whether natural or artificial, it is considered kosher by default, and does not require certification. This includes decaffeinated teas. Some of the world?s most popular scented teas ? bergamot-scented Earl Grey, jasmine, and rose ? are also considered innately kosher.
If a tea contains additives or is blended with any other products, it must be produced under kosher supervision and meet all the requirements of ?fit and proper? to obtain kosher certification. This encompasses both ingredients and the processing method. Certain types of packaging can also render a tea as not kosher. Additionally, bottled teas ? including juice and alcoholic blends, tea concentrates, and instant teas require kosher supervision. When shopping for these types of teas, look for the kosher symbol on the package: the most common ones are OU (Orthodox Union) and Star-K, although there are various other national, international, and local kosher-certifying organizations.
Nowadays, when over 75% of all packaged foods in the USA carry a kosher certification, it?s easier than ever to find teas that you like while observing kosher law. Some popular tea sellers such as English Tea Store and Harney & Sons offer a wide variety of excellent teas with kosher certification.
I want to be clear that I am not a rav or halachic scholar, so readers should consider this a discussion of general guidelines. If you have specific questions about what is or isn?t kosher, please direct them to a qualified rabbinical source.
? Online Stores, Inc., and The English Tea Store Blog, 2009-2014. Unauthorized use and/or duplication of this material without express and written permission from this article?s author and/or the blog?s owner is strictly prohibited. Excerpts and links may be used, provided that full and clear credit is given to Online Stores, Inc., and The English Tea Store Blog with appropriate and specific direction to the original content.
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Source: http://englishtea.us/2012/09/28/the-aleph-beit-gimels-of-kosher-tea/
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The firm is entering India in a joint venture with the nation's beverage-to-steel Tata conglomerate, making an initial $78 million investment.
India is primarily a tea-drinking nation, but in recent years lifestyle changes and rising incomes have spawned a booming market for cafes.
Still, India's annual per capita coffee consumption is just 82 grams (three ounces) -- far below that of 6.79 kilograms (15 pounds) in Germany and 5.87 kg in Brazil, according to data from the International Coffee Organisation.
Starbucks said the espresso coffee served in India will be sourced and roasted locally from Tata Coffee, one of the largest coffee plantation firms in the world.
"This is an important part of delivering a locally relevant experience to our customers," Culver said.
Baked goods will be tailored to suit local tastes while lattes, cappuccinos and other drinks will also be on the menu, the statement said.
The Tata-Starbucks venture's chief executive will be Avani Saglani Davda, who has held other senior posts with the Tata group.
Appetite for coffee is growing as the nations sees an explosion of trendy Western-style cafes catering to an increasing number of young professionals.
The new outlet will appear in south Mumbai's Horniman Circle -- a park-like commercial area near banks, residential neighbourhoods and luxury hotels.
The US giant will be competing against Indian-owned Cafe Coffee Day, which dominates the market, and foreign chains such as Britain's Costa Coffee and US rivals Coffee Bean and Tea Leaf that are well established in big Indian cities.
Source-AFP
Source: http://www.medindia.net/news/starbucks-in-india-from-next-month-107774-1.htm
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By Holly Dutton
A finished model unit is drawing curious buyers to 18 Gramercy Park where developers Will and Lie Zeckendorf are hoping to re-create the record-breaking success of their 15 Central Park West.
The unit is the first completed apartment in the 17-story building, formerly the Salvation Army?s Parkside Evangeline residence for young ladies. Located at the corner of Gramercy Park South and Irving Place, the building directly overlooks Manhattan?s only private park, for which only residents hold a key.
Originally built in 1927, it was a dormitory for young women to live in temporarily while they looked for jobs, recalled Arlene Harrison, president of Gramercy Park Block Association and a Trustee of Gramercy Park who has been monitoring the Zeckendorfs? progress in the tony neighborhood, whose residents include movie stars like Julia Roberts and Uma Thurman, actors Jim Parsons and Alex Baldwin, and more than a board table worth of high powered business moguls.
According to Harrison, the locals welcomed the Zeckendorfs to their tight-knit corner of Manhattan with open arms.
?The building is the tallest in the Gramercy Park Historic District, but it was not particularly notable architecturally,? said Harrison. ?The Zeckendorf Development team was the only one we wanted.?
The Zeckendorfs purchased the building for $60 million. Although the deal went to contract in 2007, it took two years to close as first some of the Parkside ladies went to court to fight the sale and then Lehman went bust and soured the wealthy?s taste for extravagant spending.
Construction began in 2010 and Robert A.M. Stern, dean of the Yale School of Architecture and the man responsbile for crafting 15 CPW, was tapped once again, this time to transform the 200-room single-occupancy building into just 16 luxury family apartments.
?This is the very first project following the global and unprecedented success achieved at 15 Central Park West,? said Zeckendrof Development in an email to Brokers Weekly. ?18 Gramercy Park is a continuum of design excellence on a smaller scale, but is equally important.?
On CPW, the company sold $2 billion worth of apartments, making it the most expensive apartment building to ever open in Manhattan.
All going well, they?ll collect around $200 million on the ?smaller scale? 18 GPS.
Although only three apartments have officially been listed, the developer said prices range from $9.25 million for a ground floor two-bedroom apartment with a home office, three baths and a powder room, to $42 million for a 6,329 s/f two-story penthouse.
Floor plans show the duplex penthouse has five bedrooms, five baths and two powder rooms; a salon, library, gallery and 18 x 12 ft. foyer as well as staff quarters and a laundry room. The 1,889 s/f of outside space includes a giant terrace off the salon that overlooks the park and a plethora of other terraces, each with its own little touch of luxury, such as an infinity pool or a whirlpool.
Full-floor homes are listed between $14 and $18 million and amenities in the building include 24-hour doorman, concierge, spa, fitness center, and a pet-grooming room.?Residents will also get the option of purchasing a coveted key to Gramercy Park.???
Sales at 18 Gramercy Park South began on Sept. 4 and ?several residences are spoken for? said the developer, adding, ?Zeckendorf Development is consistently focused on attention to detail and materials, as well as on the relationship of space and light, which allows 18 Gramercy Park to offer unique living spaces.
?18 Gramercy Park is a newly-designed, modern classic that evokes the luxury and grandeur of some of New York?s finest cooperative landmarks in a historic downtown setting.?
Source: http://www.rew-online.com/2012/09/27/9276/
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Deep Sea Fishing Charters is a luxurious sport for those who have enough resources and even more so, courage to explore the depth of the ocean floor and water in search for the greatest catch. Even though it is considered that amateurs can do just as well as professionals, the knowledge of the depth, or more widely known as the Photic zone, is considered as an invaluable material for those who plan to begin to go fishing for deep sea water fish species. The amazement from only knowing the name of the fish is delightful. Catching fish with awesome names, such as, the cookiecutter shark, lanternfish, flashlight fish, and anglerfish is an awesome feeling. It is, however, essential to know which species goes into rare or endangered categories to avoid excessive fishing.
If you want to start getting into the hobby but have no idea what to do, let us just start by knowing what deep sea fishing charters are. Deep sea fishing charters are boats that are rented by a company or an individual that will take tourists into an expedition out in the ocean to get deep sea fishing experience. It is, however, necessary to check which company or individual offer their services in which area of the ocean. It is to make sure that you will get the experience you actually plan on having. During the service of the charters, the customers can decide and opt for the service they prefer, to participate in bottom fishing or trolling, for example. You can have a flexible planning and enjoyable activities all at the same time. When the experience of one activity is not going where you expect it goes, you can have just another type of activities and the charters will provide them for you.
There are a lot of places where people can get deep sea fishing charters and the services they provide. In United States, there are many interesting and exotic places that offer such services and companies or individuals that provide you with such experiences. Some popular deep sea fishing charters has been developed around Florida like Pensacola, Key Largo, Tampa Bay, and Key West. Some additional opportunities in deep sea fishing can be found in New Hampshire; Biloxi, Mississippi; New Jersey;Charleston, South Carolina;Hawaii; Orange Beach, Alabama; British Columbia; the Gulf of Mexico and Cape Cod and. More out of ordinary destinations for deep sea fishing include the Bahamas, Phuket and Mexico.
There are several things to consider before picking deep sea fishing charters. The first thing is why you need a charter for. Some charters will offer a pleasant casual experience like whale watching and others might offer some things professionals might need like bottom dweller fishing. Just make sure that the services you require are exactly the services the charters will cater you with. Some charters might be suitable for first timers and some others might cater to the need of professional deep sea fishing enthusiasts.
The types of the fish might also matter. What kind of fish do you opt to get? Are you looking for a snapper? or is it Tuna fishing during a Tuna season that becomes your aim from the first time? Do you need the adrenaline from rushing to hunt a Barracuda or is a simple photographic experience from whale watching sufficient? Make sure that you go the suitable deep sea fishing charters that will cater to your very need. The price and duration are other things to consider. Do you plan to take weekend plan and go for a relaxing experience? or do you have a limited budget so you plan to take the economic package which can span for one to three days journey? If you are a professional, you might want to opt for the specific plan like summer high speed trolling, especially when you want to get larger game fish like bull dolphin, yahoo, and sailfish.
Abu Fakhri, will serve about Fly Fishing Trips, Trick and Equipment that you need. The site is will be usefull to get Fly Fishing Guideline, http://fly-fishingtrips.com/deep-sea-fishing-charters or http://fly-fishingtrips.blogspot.com/2012/07/deep-sea-fishing-charters.html
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Most plus size women believe that magazines and dresses are modeled after only petite sized women. The truth is that many present day dress designers are catering for larger women and making plus size dresses. Whether it is a wedding dress to a cocktail dress for a cocktail party, a plus size woman can definitely find a dress for her needs.
The main consideration for a plus size woman to take is that the dress needs to flatter her positive features and hide the negative. A good tip is that dresses for larger women should be solid and made of dark hues. This is very fitting and flattering to the body. A nice solid dark black dress will make the body appear much slimmer and overall be much more flattering. As far as patterns are concerned, thin vertical stripes are good because they elongate the look of the body which makes the body appear much more slim. Besides that type of pattern, most should be avoided.
Cocktail dresses for plus size women should also be worn on their won, without large accessories. The accessories should be very minimal and subtle, if any at all. Big pieces will add bulk to the look and give an image of a larger body.
As far as wedding dresses are concerned, the dress should be very flattering and comfortable. A wedding is a once in a lifetime moment when a women gets to look her best in front of all her loved ones and family. It is a day that all eyes will be on her, especially when wearing the correct type of dress. A good wedding dress is one that will accentuate the positive points in the body and minimize the negative. For example, a woman with nice, toned legs, but not so great arms will want to wear a long sleeve wedding dress that is shorter in length. This way the arms are hidden and the legs can be shown off.
No matter what the occasion is, one can find a dress for a plus size woman. Whether it is a wedding dress or a dress to wear for a brunch, there is a style and fit for every type of body. The most important thing to remember for plus size women is to wear a dress to show off the good parts of the body and to wear subtle accessories that can add bulk or even take away from the entire look.
There are many plus size dresses available for women no matter what the occasion is. From plus size wedding dresses to plus size cocktail dresses, there is a dress for everyone.
Author: Sally Mars
Article Source: EzineArticles.com
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Jonas? entire pack has just relocated to Leesburough. He?s less than enthusiastic, until he happens upon his mate. Now his wolf won?t stop until he claims her. In a situation where instinct and timing are rivals, how long can he remain in control?
He?s always believed everything happens for a reason. That belief is challenged when he meets Aura? until he discovers her secrets, which exceed his own.
In the Plus Size Girl's Guide to Plus Size Confidence you'll learn to:
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Alex Stone is a handsome, in-demand editor who is about to discover a hot new author when Valerie's book ends up on his desk. Intrigued, he's anxious to meet the real woman behind the story and will stop at nothing until he finds out everything there is to know!
Source: http://www.jackiesbazaar.com/womensinterests/plus-size/dresses-for-plus-size-women
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Photo by Yoichi Okamoto/Lyndon Baines Johnson Library.
In Gore Vidal's movie?The Best Man,?presidential candidate William Russell, played by Henry Fonda,?faces a dilemma. He?s going to lose the race unless he sacrifices his principles and smears his opponent, Joe Cantwell. The incumbent president?lectures the timid Russell about the relationship between campaigning and governing:
Power is not a toy we give to good children. It is a weapon. And the strong man takes it and uses it. If you don't go down there and beat Joe Cantwell to the floor with this very dirty stick, then you've got no business in the big league. Because if you don't fight, the job is not for you. And it never will be.
That?s not what Americans say they want in a president. When Gallup asked voters what they hoped for in a chief executive, they said honesty, consistency, and good morals. They put those qualities above experience and sound judgment. The darker political arts?deception, flip-flopping, fakery, hypocrisy, and acting out of ambition rather than the public good?weren?t on the list. If any of those labels ever stick to the candidate, they can disqualify him before he reaches Des Moines.
Voters claim to want someone like our second president. ?Always vote for principle,? John Adams said, ?though you may vote alone ? you may cherish the sweetest reflection that your vote is never lost." In a recent interview for 60 Minutes, Mitt Romney embraced the example Adams set when asked what presidential history has taught him. ?We saw in [Adams] an individual who was less concerned about public opinion than he was about doing what he thought was right for the country,? Romney said. It?s a wonderful sentiment, but a?politician following the ?Adams model? will surely end up with plenty of time for sweet reflection?which is why Romney has probably found it necessary to change his public positions so often. Sweet reflection is nice?but not yet.
Elections confer bulky powers on a president?the ability to make war and treaties and nominate Supreme Court justices. To gain power in the day-to-day, a president must grab it and husband it. To do this, a president must occasionally let people believe things that they know will never be true. He must sometimes embrace what he once denounced. The job requires almost constant artifice. Even when a president shows his genuine self, it is usually based on a meeting where that ?authenticity? was approved and sharpened in advance.?This is why Ronald Reagan asked, "How can a president not be an actor??
Of course, if you want to win the office, you can't ever show that you are fluent in backstabbing and hypocrisy.?So our presidential candidates run as outsiders, unsullied by having a phone number in the 202 area code. Herman Cain ignited a crowd by just saying, "I'm not a politician." When you have had the misfortune of serving in Congress?as John McCain and Barack Obama did?you portray yourself as a maverick. ?I?m an outsider trapped on the inside. But with a single election you can set me free!?
This is distracting and unproductive. Pretending that you are not political is itself a highly political act. Voters need to stop rewarding the charade. Let?s not deny the primacy of politics. We are underexamining whether they can actually perform the messy but necessary parts of the job. This may have happened with Obama. In 2008, voters thought he was a great politician. What if his only political skills are the ones that got him elected?appealing to people's romantic notion of the presidency?and have nothing to do with what it takes to actually do the job??
What voters should be prospecting for is whether a candidate has political instincts. Can he read the landscape??Does he have a theory for how to gain political power? Does he know how to use it? What is his understanding of the public?s tolerance for change? Does he enjoy the relentless give-and-take required to get things done? Has he ever convinced someone who disagreed with him of anything?
A candidate may have great ideas, management skill, and a?serene temperament, but that won't help much if he can't swim in these rough currents.
How much is politically possible in Washington today? Where are the openings for action and compromise, and why?
If politics is the art of the possible, as Otto von Bismarck?said, how does a president know what's possible? The conditions are not the same for every president. Each faces a different "political time"?a set of political challenges unique to his moment in history?as political scientist Stephen Skowronek explains in his wonderful book?The Politics Presidents Make. Voters are either hoping for change or wary of it; the opposition is either in a fighting mood or in shambles; and the priorities a candidate championed on the campaign trail are either in sync with the coalitions in Congress or a pipedream.*
Some presidential proposals are already popular with the public and require little more than a push from the chief executive. Other programs may be possible if a president unlocks dormant public support. Some ideas will never get traction, no matter how much a president pushes. A president must recognize the limitations and opportunities of the political times he inhabits.?
We are stuck in this debate at this very moment. Republicans?like all parties looking at the White House from the outside?argue that the president can redirect the country?s course in a snap. Romney is promising an economic turnaround almost immediately after he is elected. That was the mood music behind the GOP?s convention in Tampa, Fla. President Obama, who ran in 2008 promising the same kind of action-hero presidency, is much more realistic now. He?s so realistic, talking about the limitations of changing Washington from the inside, that Republicans are saying he?s already given up.
The idea of a limited presidency is at odds with the myth of the office. One of the most quoted presidential aphorisms is from Woodrow Wilson,?who wrote?that a president "is at liberty, both in law and conscience, to be?as big a man as he can." Wilson wrote that line, however, before he ever set foot in the Oval Office. Once he?d actually started serving, he quickly learned about the limits of his power. "A?little group of willful men, representing no opinion but their own ? have rendered the great Government of the United States helpless and contemptible,"?he said when stymied by members of the Senate. Lyndon Johnson had a knack for minting earthy descriptions of presidential powerlessness. ?The office is kinda like the little country boy found the hoochie-koochie show at the carnival,? said the 36th president. ?Once he?d paid his dime and got inside the tent, ?It ain?t exactly as it was advertised.? ?
If a president misreads his moment, it can throw his presidency off course. Franklin Roosevelt's attempt to pack the court is perhaps the most famous example of a serious political blunder. But many trip right out of the gate. Bill Clinton pushed to allow gays to serve in the military at the beginning of his first term, ending his political honeymoon about as soon as it started. In the first months of George W. Bush's presidency, either due to a lack of?attention?or respect,?Vermont Republican Sen. Jim Jeffords abandoned the Republican Party, handing control of the Senate to the Democrats. Obama continued to back the former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle for a Cabinet post despite the controversy over his unpaid taxes. Later Obama admitted he was blind to the conflict between his promise to run a White House with no special-interest influence and the loophole he was creating for his friend Daschle.
A president who sees the possibilities of the moment can rack up achievements that seemed foreclosed. According to Robert Caro?s account in The Path to Power, Johnson knew instinctively after John F. Kennedy?s assassination that he could use the slain president?s memory to pile up successes in Congress. Caro quotes Johnson discussing the mechanics of his strategy: ?I had to take the dead man?s program and turn it into a martyr?s cause.? When Johnson addressed Congress days after Kennedy?s death, he did just that: ?[No] eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy?s memory than the earliest possible passage of the civil rights bill for which he fought so long.?
Voters need to appreciate these currents almost as much as presidents in order to accurately assess a president's political performance or a challenger?s promises.?How steep was the opposition that a president faced? How boxed in was his agenda by the unexpected emergencies of the day? Did these fire alarms increase his political capital or drain it? Is the challenger offering pie-in-the-sky promises? Will his proposals face public fatigue, or are people hungry for sweeping change? ?
Looking at a presidency this way has one other advantage: Moments of greatness can come into full view. You can identify those instances when a president faced great obstacles and plowed ahead despite the high political price he would pay. That?s the only way to describe Johnson's decision on the Civil Rights Act of 1964, even though he knew it would permanently cost his party support in the South.?When George H.W. Bush supported a budget deal in 1990 that broke with his ?no new taxes? pledge, it may have cost him his re-election.
What conditions would require you to be as successful as Reagan and FDR?
One of the great questions of the Obama presidency is whether he understood his political time. He promised to transform politics by being above it. Was this na?ve?
Early in his term, Time magazine depicted Obama on the cover looking like FDR. He should have denounced it as grossly unfair. The?comparison?set expectations he could never meet and which haunt him as he tries to get re-elected as a man who has not lived up to the hagiography.
When FDR came into office, the economic crisis had been dragging on for years. That meant his opponents had been fully discredited. The public had been suffering long enough and were hungry for bold action. Obama didn't enjoy any of these conditions. The recession still felt fresh. Though Bush?s approval ratings were lousy, conservative ideas were hardly out of fashion. Indeed, during the 2008 campaign, Obama referred favorably to Reagan's transformative politics. Without a discredited GOP, Obama was never going to easily build new coalitions.
Photo by Zuma Press/Newscom.
Obama didn't have an issues-based movement behind him of the kind Reagan and FDR had when they were elected. There was no conservative tax revolt or labor movement to propel his domestic policies. Anti-war supporters helped elect Obama, but that didn't give him a sustained source of energy once in office. With a movement behind you, supporters tolerate most political means employed to reach the desired ends. But Obama was the movement. The means and the ends got muddled. When he had to take emergency measures?buying votes with back-room deals, negotiating in secret, compromising on Republican ideas?he was immediately in conflict with the "new kind of politics" he had promised.
Perhaps Obama never should have promised to "fundamentally transform the United States of America.? It set the expectations too high. The political system doesn?t move that fast. (In retrospect, it sounds like a promise to harness the energy of unicorns.) Recognizing the limitations such grand promises would put on governing would have represented a sophisticated understanding of his political moment. Maybe it never occurred to him that by running as a person who would be above politics he was inadvertently constricting his ability to do the job once in office? Of course, had Obama not successfully sold the idea that he was a rare figure who could unify the nation, he may never have won the election.
An alternative view is that Obama always knew that his post-partisan posture was a gambit.?He knew what the politics of the office required, but by positioning himself as a transcendent figure he sought?to create a political currency that he could then use in the morass of Washington.
Whichever view you take, we know that the president failed the political test he set for himself. His post-partisan age never materialized. He was not able to convince Republicans to join his health care push. He predicted it would help Democrats in his party in the 2010 elections. It did the opposite. He faced what he called a "shellacking." In the period that followed, he was weakened politically. He was unable to reach a long-term budget deal and wound up agreeing to an extension of the Bush tax cuts he had long campaigned against.?He now cites this failure as the greatest disappointment of his first term.
The challenge for those who argue that Obama was na?ve is to explain the obviously political moves he took. On his first big fight over the stimulus plan, Obama tried a variety of gambits, buying off Republican votes, pressuring members of his own side, and in the end going back on a variety of promises about cooperation and transparency that he had made in the campaign in order to get things done.
As Michael Grunwald argues in his book The New New Deal, Obama's?stimulus is filled with pet projects the president squeezed in under the cloak of crisis. He started the transition to a low-carbon economy, pumping money into the largest wind farm, America?s first refineries to process biofuels, and half a dozen of the world?s largest solar arrays. He also slipped in his education agenda to promote data-driven reforms of public schools.
Obama heeded his chief of staff Rahm Emanuel?s advice to ?never let a crisis go to waste? and used the political opening offered to him by events to do the things he wanted. Even when Obama backed down to Republicans on the Bush tax cuts in the waning days of 2010, he got an extension of unemployment benefits and the payroll tax cut in return.?As David Corn argues in Showdown, Obama was able to sneak in $238 billion in stimulus spending and another $200 billion in other economic priorities?including tax credits for the working poor, renewable energy, and education?by yielding on the issue of tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans. It was classic political horse trading.
Of course, not everyone was impressed. Sean Wilentz?argues?that if Obama was made of tougher stuff, he and his congressional colleagues would have altered the Senate filibuster rules when they had a 60-seat majority there, removing an obstacle that had thwarted so many of his legislative priorities. Perhaps, but the president would have had to pull off this controversial move while trying to sell the public on his auto bailout, his stimulus plan, and health care reform. Afghanistan and Iraq were presenting challenges, too. He would have faced opposition from Democratic senators?the late Sen. Robert Byrd would have objected strenuously?which would have?eaten up valuable political capital as he wrestled in his own locker room.?Having run on openness, transparency, and fair dealing, such a maneuver would have effectively dealt away the goodwill that had elected him president. Part of that goodwill may very well be what sustains him today, despite people's feelings about his lousy stewardship of the economy.
What has been your greatest negotiating success, and why?
Presidents rarely get their way in a negotiation because of their sharp reasoning, though as historian Richard Neustadt writes, it is common for each president to think that he needs ?no power other than the logic of his argument.? It takes a lot more than logic. The good ones have a talent for intimidation, flattery, and a willingness to disappoint their friends.?At this point, we have to let LBJ shamble onto the stage.
Johnson is considered the master at working his will on other lawmakers, but he must be understood in his political time in order to see what qualities were unique to the man and the moment and which ones might be available to a president today.
Some of Johnson's accomplishments, like the Civil Rights Act, were helped along by the momentum of being part of Kennedy's legacy. Though Johnson helped pass Medicare, sweeping education reform, and a host of other Great Society programs, even his political powers were limited.?By the end of his term, the weight of the Vietnam War made him virtually impotent.?
Johnson also had unique experience, having served 24 years in Congress. (It's easier to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when you helped pass the one in 1957.)?Obama could never match his skill simply by putting on the presidential cuff links.
Still, Johnson had a love of politics that Obama and Romney lack. He approached other politicians like they were prey. He mixed psychoanalysis, cunning, and determination. ?He had almost no hobby,? said Larry Temple, special counsel to President Johnson. ?His avocation and his vocation were the same: government and politics.?
?I never trust a man unless I've got his pecker in my pocket,? was Johnson?s?crudest articulation of political power. The famous picture of Johnson nearly rubbing chins with Rhode Island Sen. Theodore Green has solidified his reputation for intimidation. In December 1963 he fought conservatives in Congress over a bill regulating grain exports to the Soviet Union that he saw as a threat to his power in foreign affairs. He kept Congress in session until Christmas Eve to show them he had the power to do so and built a devastating majority against the conservatives. ?He kept telephoning senator after senator, cajoling, bullying, threatening, charming, long after he had the majority, to make the vote overwhelming enough to ensure the lesson was clear,? writes Caro.
But Johnson wasn?t just about a finger to the breast plate. He was a flatterer. "You?have to court members of Congress as much as your wife," Johnson would say. That didn't mean just calling members on the phone. It meant studying their needs, their fears, knowing how to flatter them, excite them, or buy them off. At his desk he kept a list of important members of Congress. Next to each name was a small annotation with a pet project they needed or note about what their weak spots were.
As a young politician, Johnson would literally?sit at the knee?of those he sought to ingratiate himself to.?Once in power, he still buttered up those he needed. Once when walking out of the Oval Office with an executive from a steel company, Johnson told him, ?It takes a powerful man to convince the president of the United States.? He used that same trick with Sen. Harry Byrd. ?Now you can tell your friends that you forced the president of the United States to reduce the budget before you let him have his tax cut,? he told the powerful senator from Virginia. In a conversation with Sen. Albert Gore, he cooed: "There's not anybody I'm more interested in than myself and you. ? Any little thing that we can do here to add to your stature, we sure want to do it." Presidential historian Fred Greenstein writes that Johnson ?had an unerring sense of the preoccupations of his colleagues and a genius for linking the provisions of proposed laws to the interests of sufficient numbers of legislators to enact them.?
Johnson was successful because he liked to be in the company of politicians. All successful presidents have some share of this love for their own kind. Harry Truman sought out local pols when he hit the road, both to enjoy their company and to get a quick read of the place he was visiting. It's clear that?Obama?whose personality is far more insular and inward?doesn?t share that appetite, even for those in his own party.?Sen. Chuck Schumer has told colleagues this is because Obama never really had to ?climb the greasy poll? of politics to succeed. Obama disdains artifice of any kind, as he told Michael Lewis in Vanity Fair. ?There are some things about being president that I still have difficulty doing,? Obama said. ?For example, faking emotion ? I?m at my best when I believe what I am saying.? Obama wouldn?t be able to hold down his soup if he had to flatter Eric Cantor.
Other politicians notice this. ?I think one of the problems with the White House is that it?s been too set apart. It?s been too Chicago-centric, and it needs to get out,? Sen. Dianne Feinstein told the Hill newspaper. ?Clinton didn?t just talk to four leaders, he picked up the phone and he kind of said, ?I really need your vote on this.? ? Emanuel tells the story of being woken in the middle of the night by Clinton who was asking for another list of names to lobby for votes on his crime bill.?
Romney shares Obama's aloof temperament. He was forced to overcome it a little more than Obama because, as the governor of Massachusetts, Romney needed the Democrats in the legislature to get anything done. But it was a synthetic interaction. In Texas, George W. Bush developed a lifelong friendship with his Democratic Lt. Gov. Bob Bullock. Romney did not make those kinds of connections. He had little interest in the lawmakers themselves or the cosseting that was required to move legislation.
Massachusetts Democrats found his corporate style off-putting. In Michael Kranish and Scott Helman?s The Real Romney, the authors recount Romney?s first meeting with lawmakers. ?My usual approach has been to set the strategic vision for the enterprise and then work with executive vice presidents to implement that strategy,? Romney said. He seemed to be suggesting state lawmakers worked for him. ?My take on it was, here is a person who is well-intentioned and competent, but unclear on the basic concept,? Andrea F. Nuciforo, Jr., then a state senator from western Massachusetts, told the authors.
When asked how he is going to get anything done in Washington, Romney points to his work with Democrats in Massachusetts. But his crowning achievement, health care reform, illustrates how difficult it will be for him to match that record as president. Romney worked with Democrats to impose an individual mandate without much ideological opposition from his own party. He?ll have less room to move in Washington where conservatives are on guard for his first break with orthodoxy. To reach a budget deal in Massachusetts, Romney agreed to raise at least $331 million in new revenue through increased fees for permits, licenses, and services?about a 45 percent jump. He?s already signed a pledge never to do such a thing as president.?
When did you disappoint an ally to make progress?
Romney does come to Washington with perhaps an unmatched ability to refashion himself and his positions. When he charts a new course, he proceeds with righteousness and resolve, as if the new path was his original conviction, and with no concern for the contradictions that are obvious to everyone else.
Of course, this?malleability?is a sin for most voters. It's what they hate about Washington because it usually means that politicians are selling out their constituents for political gain. But presidents know that to accomplish something they have to finesse their previous convictions.?Abraham Lincoln changed his mind on slavery, FDR flipped on a balanced budget and neutrality, George H.W. Bush raised taxes, and Obama supported a health care individual mandate.
Mitt Romney puts on a apron as Linda Hundt, owner of Sweetie-licious Bakery Caf?, prepares to help him make a pie shell at her store in June in DeWitt, Mich.
Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images.
Romney is malleable. This we know. But will he be able to triangulate his positions in a way that doesn?t anger his base? He must if he's going to come to an agreement with Democrats.?Knowing how to deceive your own backers?making them think you agree with them while giving their opponents the same impression?is sometimes required to get a deal. In his book about FDR, Jonathan Alter describes how the president?s ?affable impenetrability? vexed Sen. Huey Long. ?When I talk to him, he says, ?Fine! Fine! Fine!? ? Long said. ?But [Sen.] Joe Robinson goes to see him the next day and he says, ?Fine! Fine! Fine!? Maybe he says, ?Fine!? to everybody.??
Liberal lawmakers complain that President Obama is a little too good at this. They point to Obama?s feigned interest in the public option during the health care debate, the deal he cut with Republican senators to extend the Bush tax cuts in 2010, and his willingness to agree to Medicare cuts as a part of a grand budget bargain in the summer of 2011. Obama appeared to be telling his Democratic allies he would protect entitlements while telling Republican negotiators he?would raise the retirement age and subject benefits to a means test.
However, agreements with Democrats may not be what Romney wants in office. "The purpose of negotiation is to get agreement," Reagan said, but the definition of what agreement means is up for grabs for each president. Does it mean?accommodating?the other side's concerns, or is a president supposed to stand his ground until the other side caves? This is an abstract debate that's hard to have until actual legislation is on the table, but in?the current political climate, agreements based on Isaiah's call "come now, let us reason together" seem quaint.?A new Washington Post and Kaiser Family Foundation study shows that the political parties are as polarized and far apart as ever.?
The new level of partisanship suggests that LBJ?s skills might not be that useful for the modern president. Who would a President Romney or Obama cajole, sweet talk, or strong arm? It?s true that Johnson faced a recalcitrant, conservative bloc of Southern Democrats and Midwesterners. But he could run around them by creating his own mix of liberal Democrats and liberal Republicans. Today?s presidents can?t mix and match their own coalitions so easily.
How much more could Obama have achieved if he had a larger share of Johnson's ability to measure other politicians? Maybe he could have convinced Sen. Joe Lieberman to support a few more ventures. He might have pushed the three Republican senators to agree to make the Recovery Act larger than $800 billion. He could have convinced Sen. Ben Nelson to vote for health care by giving Nebraska 100 percent federal funding of the?Medicaid?expansion indefinitely into the future. Oh wait, he did that. Very LBJ of him, but it created such a political stink he had to withdraw the offer. Howls emerged from those who said Obama was acting like a greasy politician, not the change agent he promised to be.?Another president might have been able pull it off, but not Obama. The argument he presented for why he should be president foreclosed some of the deals he could cut as president.
Romney is probably misjudging his political moment in a different way. Romney has promised that upon taking office he will repeal Obamacare, replace it with his own version, transform Medicare from a defined benefit plan to a defined contribution plan, and reduce the budget by $500 billion. Before he does that, he must reallocate the $1 trillion in deficit reduction that is scheduled to take place across the board as a result of the failed 2011 debt limit talks and make good on his promise to make the Bush tax cuts?permanent.?
That's a heavy load. Even if Republicans miraculously control both houses of Congress, the majorities will be slim. Romney won?t have anything approaching a clear mandate to make those sweeping changes. In this reality, one of several things might happen: He?ll only get some of what he wants, his attempt to avoid the fiscal cliff while retaining ideological commitments on spending reductions and tax cuts will end in disaster, or a crisis atmosphere?surrounding a possible downgrade of the U.S. credit rating or a collapse in the bond market?will push through legislation that no one really understands. At best, Romney will be able to include some pet projects in the hurly burly just as Obama did with his 2009 stimulus bill.
Romney's skill at quickly analyzing complex systems, plotting corrective action, and implementing a plan gives him skills no other president has had coming in to office. But, as Rick Santorum pointed out in the primaries, his experience as a businessman will be of limited use.?"The experience Gov. Romney keeps touting out there is not the experience you need to be president," he said. "A CEO directs people to do what the CEO thinks is right to do, and those people work in his chain of command. Senators and congressmen don't work for the president. You've got to work with people, not order people."
Romney admits he doesn?t really know how Washington works. That's why he picked Paul Ryan, he says. But there is no evidence in Ryan's background that he knows how to make a bipartisan deal. He has passed only two pieces of legislation, one naming a post office and another related to hunting arrows. It?s a thin resume, but it wouldn?t matter even if Ryan had Joe Biden?s three decades worth of experience. Obama and Romney should know that political instincts cannot be outsourced.
Correction, Sept. 26, 2012: This article originally misspelled the last name of Otto von Bismarck. (Return to the corrected sentence.)
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